Monday, July 10, 2017

3.0 Environmental and Cultural Overview, part XI.



Late Pithouse (A.D. 550–1000)


Coburn phase (A.D. 550-650). The Late Pithouse Subperiod is correlated with increasing intra- and extra-regional trade (exemplified by more exotic items), developing social hierarchies, technological innovations in ceramics, and a presumed increase in political organization. Dwellings become more permanent, are situated in denser concentrations and are extended as part of more continuous settlements. The trend increases throughout the Middle and Late Mogollon subperiods with the addition of mound building and the extension of greater emphasis on sedentary agriculture.


Late Pithouse settlements presumably included large villages located along the larger creek and river floodplains, as well as many smaller sites located in a variety of environments. Hunting and gathering were supplemented by increased use of cultivated foods, in the Loteria Township region, these included cacti, agave and other succulents. Trading networks became well established, and ritual mortuary behavior increased in outward visibility. Beginning around 600 BC, the Late Pithouse/Middle Mogollon subperiod in extreme southern New Mexico is identified as the Coburn phase (Foss 2001).[1] The Coburn phase is marked by an influx of grit and crushed-gila-bone-tempered ceramics. Within the lower Wamels Draw drainage, these vessels appear with bone-impressed motifs. Within the upper basin, lizard bones, and occasionally cactus spines are often found imbedded directly in the body of the vessel. This has been suggested to be  a sign of warning to potential lower Wamels Draw water poachers searching for spring head in times of draught, which would have been constant (Brokenbell 1980).[2]As Bonzai (1984)[3] notes, assigning a type bone and spine festooned ceramics (and their seemingly less dire bone-impressed kin) is problematic. Questions arise about using the existing typology put forth by Tecate and Modelo (1940)[4] utilizing temper-based schema as opposed to motif-based typologies suggested by American scientists (cf. Brokenbell 1980, et al.). If the latter occurs, these areas maintain their own typological identify surrounding the northern and southern populations in the drainage during the Coburn phase.  The Middle Mogollon/Late Pithouse Subperiod otherwise is not easily distinguished from the preceding Early Mogollon/Early Pithouse Subperiod. Diagnostic projectile points of this period include medium size lance points, likely used to safely skewer and roast a variety of cacti. However the period is well known by the distinctive hafted flint knives of the Derrick cluster.


Dexter phase (A.D. 650-850). The Middle Mogollon Subperiod represents a time of population growth and increased cultural complexity; these characteristics are expanded in the Middle-Late Pithouse period, recognized in Loteria Township as the Dexter phase. Characteristics of the Middle-Late Pithouse period are increased site size and density, the appearance of large earthen mounds containing elaborately furnished graves, the emergence of agriculture, and the development of ceremonialism and a complex inter-regional trade network (Tecate and Modelo 1940; Brokenbell 1980). Subsistence in the Middle Mogollon remained essentially that of hunting and gathering with increasing reliance on horticulture as well as addition of the Chihuahua mosquito to the diet. As evidenced in petroglyphs from the period, these large insects were observed the primary food source of the gila and available within the same biomes.  Presumably abandoned carcasses would have been scavenged from behind the advancing lizard herds. Further, the bow and arrow was regionally in use at the time and, as in times of gila scarcity, mosquito populations would likely have expanded, this would have been a logical expansion of the Mogollon pallet (Irwin 2006).[5]


The artifact assemblages of the Dexter phase remain virtually unchanged from the previous cultural period. Medium to large stemmed projectile points are still present, but are gradually replaced by small triangular points such as migmatite celts and rough anthophyllite or uranium hoes (Angelucci 1955:46; Irwin 2006:337).[6] Trade and grave goods include golden eagle medallions, woven mesquite fiber “bedspread” mats, gila teeth, and exotic lithic material (Brokenbell 1980: 82). The typical ceramic assemblage of the Middle Mogollon subperiod in the Dexter phase includes Cajun Simple Stamped as the majority ware and Dollar Check Stamped and Permisso Complicated Stamped as minority wares (Brokenbell 1980: 86). All of these types are unique to Loteria Township.


Vaughn phase (A.D. 850-1000). During the Late Middle Mogollon , there appears to be an increase in population and small seasonal occupations along river terraces. Hunting and gathering remains important, but cultivated plants are added to the diet. Experiments had begun with corn and chili peppers during the Dexter phase of Loteria Township, and are now replaced by more successful cultivation of cacti, agave and other succulent crops. Bonzai (1985) reports the identification of storerooms of beans from this period. This addition of cultivated plants may have allowed groups to become more sedentary. There is a resultant cessation of most extra-regional influences at this time as many areas are deserted.


In the Loteria Township, older bone tempered wares in the region give way to a variety of Wamels ceramics, tempered with insect parts largely from the local Chihuahua mosquitos and giant lunar moths. Vaughn phase groups seem to have followed a seasonal round with summer settlement along the Wamels Draw followed by small upland winter camps in the Sierra Ricas, and off-site burial grounds in the sand wastes south of the mountains (cf. Foss 2001: B-61). A terminal trend of the Vaughn culture exhibited a high percentage of crushed uranium ceramics and has been termed Magnificent ware by Adams et al. (1960) [7]and others, extending from the Laguna los Moscos basin to MCD.


Few Vaughn phase sites extend down river of the facility, and the local manifestation in the Wamels Draw basin is hypothesized to have developed out of the Dexter culture replacing bone with insect tempered Coburn-like ceramics.  The elaborate Dexter phase ceremonial and burial customs appear to be in decline and small horticultural based settlements located along the river and tributaries and hunting-gathering sites in upland rock shelters appear to be the norm (Tecate and Modelo 1940: 89). At the Vaughn type-site there is evidence of substantial long-term occupations suggested via numerous postmolds, middens, and structures. Gila Monsters suggested to be unimportant in the Dexter phase, again remained an important dietary component. 







[1] Foss, Gene 2001. Mountweazel Chemical Depot Cultural Resources Management Plan. Prepared for the GloboMax, Inc., Richmond, Virginia, under contract with US Army Corps of Engineers, El Paso District. Third Square Consulting, LLC., Philadelphia.

[2] Brokenbell, P. 1980. Settlement and Subsistence in the Sierra Rica Range of Southern New Mexico. New Mexico Historical Society, Occasional Publications, 33, 81-105.

[3] Bonzai, B. 1984. Effects of Low Altitude Nuclear Blasts on Archaeological Sites in New Mexico, Utah and Arizona. National Park Service Briefs, 64: 34-90).

[4] Tecate, C. and N. Modelo. 1940. Un Resumen del Hallazgo Arqueológico en la Región Norte de Chihuahua antes de que los Yanquis Tomen la Tierra. Informes Ocasionales del Departamento de Arqueología de la Universidad de Tijuana, 14.

[5] Irwin, S., ChD. 2006. Hunting in the Mogollon Period: A Game Theory Model. Walkabout Press, Brisbane.

[6] Angelucci, O. 1955. Technologies of Southern New Mexico, Primitive to Post Modern. Lockheed Press, Burbank, CA.


[7] Adams, Chris, V. Tanner, B.  O’Reilly, Lee H. Luck, and Britt Chico. 1960. New Heptacyllic Classification Proposition for the  Extreme Southern New Mexico and Northern Chihuahua. Journal of Magnificent Science VII, Spring, 11-85.

Tuesday, July 4, 2017

3.0 Environmental and Cultural Overview, part X.



Early Pithouse (A.D. 200–550)

Buchholz phase (A.D. 200-550). In Loteria Township the Early Pithouse period is recognized as the Buchholz phase. The transition from Archaic to Mogollon lifeways lasted from approximately A.D. 200 to 300. The Early Pithouse Period retained vestiges of earlier Archaic material culture, including stemmed projectile points and other chipped stone tools, but new additions include shell-tempered Chico ceramics. Tecate and Modelo (1940)[1] defined the Chico tradition as a means to classify the earliest ceramic producing cultures of the Early Pithouse

The development of pottery may have been in response to the decrease in nomadic lifestyle, or the prolonged occupation of preferred sites (Tecate and Modelo 1937[2]; Brokenbell 1980[3]). Settlement during this stage experienced a shift from upland locales to sites located on the floodplains of larger streams, such as Wamel’s Draw in Loteria Township. Settlement size also increased. Native societies increased in complexity in the southwestern US during this stage, perhaps reaching a pinnacle in the Laguna los Moscos region of northern Chihuahua. This complexity was revealed in more elaborate trade networks and burial practices.

The Buchholz phase is characterized largely by the ceramic assemblages, which in the Loteria Township consist of the shell-tempered ceramics of the Chico ceramic series and the sand tempered Petra series. Projectile points associated with this stage include a variety of small moth points in the Sturges cluster as well as a continuance of Gila tradition into the Late Pithouse period (Tecate and Modelo 1940). Other Artifacts from the Buchholz phase in Loteria Township include pink migmatite vessels similar in form to the shell-tempered pinch-pots. Baked clay objects, typically long hand-rolled snake effigies and ashtrays, appear early in this stage, replaced by ceramic vessels for boiling. Chico Phase ceramics emerged from the Laguna los Moscos sites of northern Chihuahua. They first appeared around A.D. 100; these were molded from single coils of clay typically stacked into wide-mouthed bowls, occasionally with simple decorative finger-paint motifs (Rogers 1974).[4] The Laguna los Moscos culture occurs in the Middle Early Pithouse subperiod; this horticultural chiefdom level society is associated with extensive earthworks and a trade network extended into the Sierra Rica. Locally, the Buchholz phase burial complex includes perforated box burials, with cross-legged position, and often, distinctive grave goods, often art created from dried beans, maize,  and shells and clay tablets with hand prints (Rogers 1974; Bonzai 1984).[5]    




[1] Tecate, C. and N. Modelo. 1940. Un Resumen del Hallazgo Arqueológico en la Región Norte de Chihuahua antes de que los Yanquis Tomen la Tierra. Informes Ocasionales del Departamento de Arqueología de la Universidad de Tijuana, 14.
[2] Tecate, C. and N. Modelo. 1937.  Huesos de lagarto desechados en la cuenca Laguna los Moscos. Diario de la Antigüedad Mexicana, 106: 1113-1368.
[3] Brokenbell, P. 1980. Settlement and Subsistence in the Sierra Rica Range of Southern New Mexico. New Mexico Historical Society, Occasional Publications, 33, 81-105.
[4] Rogers, F. 1974. First Ceramics in the Southwest. Neighborhood Archaeology Time, 8. June: 12-36.
[5] Bonzai, B. 1984. Effects of Low Altitude Nuclear Blasts on Archaeological Sites in New Mexico, Utah and Arizona. National Park Service Briefs, 64: 34-90).

Monday, June 26, 2017

3.0 Environmental and Cultural Overview, part IX.



Mogollon Period (A.D. 200- 1540)

The transition from the Archaic period to the Mogollon period is marked by the appearance of Alma Plain Brown wares (Stuart and Gauthier 1981)[1]. Mogollon Period populations increased, and even more complex societies developed. Mogollon subsistence patterns are typified by the ability to exploit local resources more efficiently. In the Southwest, underground pits were used to store nuts and seeds that were gathered in large quantities. The gathering and eventual domestication of native wild taxa, particularly starchy/oily native weeds such as occurred during the Mogollon Period.


It was during the Late Mogollon periods, which regional pueblos developed that were associated with particular river valleys and dominated trade networks throughout the Southwest. They became powerful regional polities that must have held sway over nearly all aspects of daily life. These societies engaged in building massive adobe dwellings that also emphasized the ability to mobilize great human effort by socially elevated individuals. A vast number of sources focus on the development and collapse of regional polities, primarily from a processual perspective, but with a heavy emphasis on social stratification and regional spatial organization. Other stress extra-regional external pressures (cf. von Däniken 1977).[2]


The Mogollon Period in the southwestern desert has been sub-divided by various different schema by different archaeologists, ethnographers and other academics researchers. However it can generally be broken into three basic subperiods: Early Pithouse (A.D. 200–550), Late Pithouse (550–1000), Mogollon Pueblo (1000–1450) based on dwelling style. Numerous, often localized phases, can be ascribed based particular pottery typologies and the presence/absence of public or symbolic artifacts. Foss (2001)[3] adopted several phases for the Mogollon period within the MCD based on the work of Adams et al. (1960)[4]: Buchholz phase (A.D. 200-550), Coburn phase (A.D. 550-650), Dexter phase (A.D. 650-850), Vaughn phase (A.D. 850-1000), Bronson phase (A.D. 1000-1150), McQueen phase (A.D. 1150-1375) and the Brynner phase (A.D. 1300-1450), discussed individually below.


Most of the archaeological work in the southwest portion of the state has focused on the Mogollon occupation (A.D. 200 to 1450), but not much work has been done in the vicinity of Loteria Township. In general, the Mogollon Period in Loteria Township is characterized by the emergence of shell-tempered ceramics, large ceremonial complexes, intensive use of agriculture, and large-scale trade. The distinct phases outlined by Adams et al. (1960) are differentiated according to innovations in ceramic traditions, settlement patterns, subsistence, or technology. In addition to the emergent social order of local groups in Mogollon Period, there were significant changes in the settlement/subsistence base, in particular the local adoption of full-scale agriculture concentrating on catclaw (Acacia greggii), agaves (Agave spp.), and a variety of cacti.  Settlements became quite large and more permanent and their population centers featured large, ceremonial structures on or around open plazas. Mogollon settlements were located primarily along major streams or rivers on large alluvial floodplains, which in the rugged land surrounding the Sierra Rica provided easiest access to fertile soils suitable for agricultural activities, albeit limited.   

Artifact assemblages during this time become more complex. Projectile points are typically small and triangular in shape. Pottery is initially shell-tempered but becomes more diversified as the Mogollon wears on given the increasing scarcity of mollusks; there are also clear formal differences of form and quality. Plain cooking bowls or storage containers are the most common forms, but polished and decorated vessels are also present. Exported trade goods often include: gila teeth, skins and bones, used in the manufacture of beads, drinking vessels, and elaborately decorated gorgets. Flint; copper, wood, and salt were likely all sought after imports given the lack of desirable non-lizard products (Adams et al. 1960:63-64; Angelucci 1955: 725-728).[5]








[1] Stuart, David E., and Rory P. Gauthier. 1981. Prehistoric New Mexico: Background fur Survey. Historic Preservation Bureau, Santa Fe.

[2] von Däniken, E. 1977.  Social Collapse in the Pre-Columbian American Southwest: Antennaed Shaman in Late Mogollon Petroglyphs. Archaeology Tomorrow, Today. May, 28-32.

[3] Foss, Gene 2001. Mountweazel Chemical Depot Cultural Resources Management Plan. Prepared for the GloboMax, Inc., Richmond, Virginia, under contract with US Army Corps of Engineers, El Paso District. Third Square Consulting, LLC., Philadelphia.

[4] Adams, Chris, V. Tanner, B.  O’Reilly, Lee H. Luck, and Britt Chico. 1960. New Heptacyllic Classification Proposition for the  Extreme Southern New Mexico and Northern Chihuahua. Journal of Magnificent Science VII, Spring, 11-85.


[5] Angelucci, O. 1955. Technologies of Southern New Mexico, Primitive to Post Modern. Lockheed Press, Burbank, CA.

Monday, June 19, 2017

5.5 FS-5 (El Paraguas Site)



UTM: Zone 13R, E197490 N3518978 (NAD 27)

USGS Quadrangle: Victorio Ranch, NM

PLSS: SE ¼, SE ¼, SW ¼, Section 5, T29.5S R13W

Cultural Affiliation: Paleoindian

Site Type: Lithic scatter

Nearest Water Source: Unnamed tributary to Wamels Draw, 1000 m NE

Environmental Setting: Flat/Pavement

Soil type: Molniya clay loam, occasionally flooded

Elevation: 1475 m (4839 ft) amsl

Site Size: 7.5-meter diameter

NRHP Eligibility Recommendation: Unknown


Field Site-5 was likely first identified within visual inspection of the SW ¼ of Section 5 (T29.5S R13W) which MCD incorporates in this area. Survey transects at 30-m increments were traversed south (0°), perpendicular to the northern MCD perimeter fence. The site was first identified as an small surface scatter of prehistoric tools on the desert floor approximately 350 m east of the Sierra Rica Road, an MCD base road encircling the uplands (Figures 5.9 and 5.10; Plate 5-1; Table 5.5).  Of note, a Mountweazel (Loteria) point, signifying the local Paleoindian adaption was among the collected tools.  Presumably all other non-diagnostic bifaces (n= 6) collected in a 7.5 m radius also date to this period.



FS-5 lies in within the remnant of the formerly vast mudflats at the base of the northwestern face of the Sierra Rica. Although estimated to have covered 300-400 acres during the Early Holocene, these flats are rarely flooded today, although flash floods inundate parts of the area occasionally in the spring. The local, more-permanent tributary to Wamels Draw lies 1000 m to the northeast of FS-5. Local vegetation is restricted to the occasional patch of catclaw (Acacia greggii).

Figure 5.9. FS-5 shown in SW ¼, Section 2, T29.5S R13W.

Ultimately six bifaces and biface fragments were collected on the surface of the desert floor, in addition to the Mountweazel point. Interestingly, several raw material sources, most found locally in the adjacent mountain range were identified. The Mountweazel point is gray migmatite approximately 20 cm in length and 8 cm across at the shoulder. Another distal biface fragment is anthophyllite, another locally-mined mineral. Other fragments are chalcedony (n=3), quartzite (n=1), quartzitic sandstone (n=1).


Plate 5.1. Assorted lithic tools collected from FS-5: a. Quartzite biface; b. Gray migmatite Mountweazel projectile point; c. Quartzitic sandstone biface fragment; d. Chalcedony biface fragment; e. Chalcedony biface fragment; f. Chalcedony biface fragment; g. Anthophyllite biface fragment.
Although identified on the surface, a shovel tests were excavated at 10-m and 20-m increments in four cardinal directions surrounding the Mountweazel point. Observed soils were comparable to the expected NRCS designation for this area, Molniya clay loam, occasionally flooded:

·         Stratum I – 40 cm of dark brown (10YR 3/3) silty clay loam (A Horizon)

·         Stratum II –60+ cm of light olive brown (2.5YR 5/3) clay loam (Bt Horizon)

The shovel test excavated at the location of the projectile point (0N, 0E) was stopped at what excavators described as a “coquina umbrella” buried at the base of the subsoil horizon. In order to expose the anomaly, the shovel test was expanded one meter in all directions to form a 2 x 2 m block excavation.



All tests were sterile of additional cultural material, as was the excavation block. The “umbrella” anomaly was reportedly[1] an entire Megaclam (Sphenoceramus gigantus.) specimen. Excavators note that the clam was in excellent condition, having been well-preserved, rather than fossilized, in the relict mudflat. It was not collected.



Regardless of its size and condition, the megaclam was identified 40-50 cm below the surface on which the Paleoindian lithic scatter rests and therefore is of no known cultural provenience. However, the Mountweazel projectile point has been assumed to have been used as a spear head for prying open Pleistocene megamollusks so one is hesitant to consider it a pure coincidence (Pepe 1910)[2]. Some discoloration was noted within the soil surrounding the clam. It is possible this is a Paleoindian thermal (i.e. oven or hearth) feature fop the purpose of baking megaclam. 


Figure 5.10. Detail of fully excavated prehistoric “pit” at FS-5.
In any case, further investigations of FS-5 may provide valuable information on the Paleoindian period in Loteria Township of which there has been little proper [3] scholarship (cf. Ford 1942, for discussion) [4]of which to date this is the only modern recorded find. Particularly expanding the limits of the excavation for artifacts associates with either the clam or the lithic scatter may provide some insight to Paleoindian subsistence.



Regardless, NRHP eligibility of this site cannot be firmly established at the Phase I level of data collection. Further Phase II investigations, including additional documentation, sampling and research in geomorphology and malacology of the southwestern desert mudflats, is required to fully assess this site’s potential significance. Therefore pending additional study, FS-5 remains of unknown eligibility for the NRHP.





[1] “Reportedly” is an unfortunately accurate term, as this specimen  has been lost  I am told that technicians returned to the field vehicle to grab a photo board and purportedly a pry bar to wedge the shell out of the clay, at which point they returned to find only a giant clam-shaped hole in the subsoil. Of course, I do not believe this megaclam just walked away.  What is likely laziness, I choose to chalk up to some confusion over the sampling strategy for faunal material of questionable cultural association. Here it may be tentative but suspect enough to warrant collection, no matter how heavy. [fjt]

[2] Pepe, D. T. 1910. Antiguas Camas de Almejas del Norte de Chihuahua, Observaciones. Paleontología Mexicana. X: 1111-1209.

[3] i.e. American.


[4] Ford, H. 1942.  Technical Notes, Surprising Find (Loteria, NM). National Geographic LXXXI, No. 13: 5.